Enero 02, 2006
Top Ten Bolivia Stories of 2005
Like the entry from 2004, this is a very unofficial list.
Evo Morales Wins With 53.7% of the Vote
Most scoffed when Evo Morales said that he was counting on a vote of 50%+ 1. No modern day candidate approached that magical number, which would bypass the need for Congress to elect the next President of Bolivia. Anything less than a majority of the votes would mean a probable alliance among third and fourth place finishers, further weakening confidence in a political system which was deemed broken and unresponsive to the needs of the people. However, on election night of December 18, the entire country watched and remained stunned that the Morales-Alvaro Garcia Linera ticket would bring home nearly 54% of the popular vote. Undoubtedly, the administration of Morales will be the major story in 2006, when he takes office on January 22. Many groups of the left of MAS are already providing deadlines when key changes need to be made or else pressure will be placed on the government.
Passing on Presidential Succession
After the definitive resignation of Carlos Mesa on June 6th, many expected Senate President, Hormando Vaca Diez (MIR-Santa Cruz) to exercise his Constititutional right of being next in line to take the Presidential seat. Even Vaca Diez was confident enough that he would be President of Bolivia, bringing his wife at his side in Sucre to witness his ascension. However, the tragic death of a miner on route to Sucre to block this possible switch in leaders changed everything. Congress set up shop in the second capital of Bolivia because of the instability back in La Paz. Many Congressmen feared for their own safety as crowds and mobs approached the Plaza Murillo in La Paz. The same thing was happending in Sucre, when it was learned that Vaca Diez was ready to assume power. Many openly feared a civil war, if Vaca Diez took office because of the tensions at an all time high. However, in the end, Vaca Diez and the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Mario Cossío would also pass on the right to become President.
The Unlikely President
In 2002, if someone would have asked Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé, the Supreme Court President, whether he would be next in line to become President as the fourth option, he would have probably looked at you if you were crazy. However, after the resignation of the 2002 elected President, Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada and Vice-President, Carlos Mesa and the previously mentioned passing of Vaca Diez and Cossío, Rodríguez Veltzé would be next up to bat. At times, he appeared uncomfortable with the spotlight of being President, but was straightforward in knowing that his task was to call and guarantee new elections. During most of the time, he flew under the radar, making sure not to cause a stir. Many of the social movements backed off because they new elections were on the way. For the most part, he avoided controversy, with the deactivation of Chinese missile launchers at the request of the United States, being the only real blemish on his short mandate. Rodriguez openly admitted to wanting to return to the Supreme Court, where he would be able to operate in increased obscurity.
The Many Resignations of Carlos Mesa
The first time Carlos Mesa resigned on March 6, it was a shock to most. However, many correctly guessed that it was a political maneuver hoping to gather support, especially from the silent majority who supported him. Many referred to this silent majority of those Bolivians not affiliated with a syndicate, union or other organized group, who rejected the use of blockades as a form of social protest. Congress rejected his resignation, mainly because both sides saw that the alternative was undesirable (a Vaca Diez presidency vs. increased mobilizations in the streets). The second time Carlos Mesa threatened to quit was not a direct resignation, rather a proposal to call new elections. Again, Congress rejected this move, as it was less a political maneuver, but rather a sign that it was becoming increasingly difficult to govern without any Congressional representation, only popular support. The third time was the charm, as Mesa announced his resignation on June 6, this time Congress said okay. Mesa remains in Bolivia, hosting a Historical program on P.A.T. called Bolivia Siglo XX. Some think that his eventual return to politics is imminent.
The Entrance and Exit of René Joaquino
The Potosí mayor, René Joaquino, landslided his way to a victory in the Municipal elections in December 2004. His honest reputation and the fact that this public servant worked his way up from manual labor jobs made him a popular choice for Potosinos. Like other mayors, who won with a wide margin, this group hoped to parlay these victories in a national project, which became known as the Frente Amplio. With La Paz mayor Juan del Granado and Cochabamba mayor Gonzalo Terceros on board, all they needed to do was choose a candidate. Del Granado (Movimiento Sin Miedo) seemed to be the logical choice as he was a popular, bigger name from one of the top 3 largest cities in the country. However, Joaquino eventually became the choice. From the beginning, the early polls left him way behind, partly because of a lack of name recognition. The project was set to be a leftist alternative to MAS and was self-described as a new “modern left”. Yet, it was not to be. One of the official reasons cited that the Frente Amplio disbanded, was that Cobija mayor Miguel Becerra accepted an offer from Samuel Doria Medina’s UN party to be the Prefect candidate in Pando. However, it was unofficially obvious that MAS began to appeal to Juan del Granado, who eventually endorsed MAS and many of the MSM candidates became candidates for Congress in the December elections. There was talk that Tuto Quiroga was courting Joaquino as his Vice-Presidential choice. However in the end, Joaquino returned to Potosí, where he was a silent non-factor in the campaign. The disapperance of a leftist alternative, left the door wide open for Evo Morales to consolidate the left and center left vote.
The "Voto Cruzado"
Local regional autonomy took a step forward with the first-ever direct election of Departmental Prefects. These governors previously were appointed by the President, who provided regional support for the central government. This will unlikely be the last move towards greater regional autonomy, as a Referendum on Autonomy is set for 2006. The Prefects provide funds to the municipalities and now with the new Hydrocarbons Law in effect, even more resources will be allocated to the various Departments. No one quite knew what to expect during these elctions, and in many Deparments, there was a pheonomenon called the “voto cruzado”. This cross-voting meant that the party that received the most votes for President, did not necessarily carry over the Prefectual party candidate. For example, in Cochabamba, Manfred Reyes Villa (ex-NFR), who now represents the citizens’ group AUN handedly defeated Jorge Alvarado (MAS). More than 50% of the Cochabambinos voted for Evo Morales for President, but Alvarado was handedly defeated by the AUN candidate. This apparent contradiction took place in other Departments, such as La Paz, where Jose Luis Paredes (PODEMOS) beat the MAS candidate. Evo Morales won decisively in that Department. This also indicates that in many Departments there still exists strong local leaders who transcend party lines and will serve as an example for future Prefect elections.
Los Escaños
The word “escaño” rarely surfaces during regular conversation. Much like the words “promulgada” and “abrogación” used in the 2004 Hydrocarbons Referendum, this was a word seldom utilized by ordinary Bolivians. However, during the month of October, it became a household term as it almost derailed the planned elections. Originally scheduled for December 4th, the controversy over the redistribution of “escaños” or “seat occupied by a member of Parliment” intensified the uncertainty and tension within the country. Many blamed the politicians for standing in the way of an electoral process that most of the country wanted. Many blamed the politicians for these disruptions because it was perceived that they wanted to hold onto their jobs for as long as possible, and with it the cushy $2,500 USD per month salary. The hold-up was that the redistribution of seats was scheduled for the next elections in 2007 according to the new Census. However, since these elections were called early, there were no provisions on whether to use the 2002 distribution or move up the 2007 distribution. As a result, Santa Cruz and Cochabamba were set to receive additonal seats, at the expense of La Paz, Oruro and Potosi. In the end, President Rodriguez employed a Presidential decree to settle the matter in a compromise format. Santa Cruz received 3 additional seats and Cochabamba received 1 additional seat. Most, including all three leading candidates for President, but except for the lawmakers who tried to delay elections, were satisfied with this move, which guaranteed elections for the new date of December 18.
Cabildo Draws Hundreds of Thousands
It was quite impressive. Hundreds of thousands of Cruceños assembled near the Christ statue in the heart of Santa Cruz demanding autonomy. There were fears that the leaders of the Cabildo would elect their own governor, which would be anti-democratic by falling outside of the regular election process. In the end, the gathering would be a social gathering with musical acts and incentives by public employees to take off of work to attend. Undoubtedly, this public concentration of the general public would spur the announcement by President Mesa to call for the direct election of Prefects, which was originally scheduled for August of 2005.
Who was the Frente Nacional Anticorrupción?
An explosion outside the headquarters of Petrobras in Santa Cruz left many wondering who was behind the act that left no injuries. The term terrorism would soon surface around the country, as there were fears that it could signal the start of other similar acts. Around that time, two Lt. Colonels in the Bolivian army, Julio Herrera and Julio Cesar Galindo, publicly called for the toppling of President Mesa in conjunction with the nationalization of hydrocarbons, the convocation of the Constituent Assembly and the implmentation of a military-civil government. Many wondered whether the two events were related. However, the only trace that the group called the Frente Nacional Anticorrupcion, which claimed responsibility for the explosion in Santa Cruz would leave behind was a video left for a television station in that city. Their statement would call for similar demands than the two army officials, however, the deadline of 15 days would prove to be non-binding as the FNA would not be heard from since the explosion. To this day, few even mention this bizarre episode in 2005. One must wonder whether there was something actually brewing or whether it was a random, isolated incident.
Bolivian Child Wandering in New York
The New York media became fascinated with little Valery, the Bolivian girl who was found wandering the streets of Queens in early October. In the wee early morning hours, neighbors found four-year old Valery alone and barefoot. Her mother had been brutally murdered by a jealous boyfriend, Cesar Ascarrunz who unremorsefully dumped her body in a landfill where it was found weeks later. When no one came forward to claim the little girl, the NYPD went to the media to publicize her picture where she was identified by a local Head Start office and it was soon discovered the situation. The issue soon became what would become of little Valery. Both maternal and paternal grandmothers wanted to claim custody of the girl, as her father was back in Bolivia serving time in prison. Ascarrunz faces seven counts, including murder, evidence tampering, child endangerment and child abandonment.
(Honorable Mention)
Golden Palace.com Monkey
If you spot a funny little monkey hopping from tree to tree in Madidi National Park in Western Bolivia, chances are it is the GoldenPalace.com Monkey. What an odd name you might say. In order to raise money for conservation purposes, the Wildlife Conservation Society, who discovered the new species of monkey put naming rights up for auction. Often the person that discovers a new species receives the right to name it, but Dr. Robert Wallace of the Society thought it would be a good opportunity to raise funds for the Bolivian rain forest. Some $650,000 later, the high bid went to the online poker company, Golden Palace, who placed its moniker on the creature. The bid of $3.13 from barrioflores.net came up a tad short.
Posted by eduardo at Enero 2, 2006 09:59 PM